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AN ADDRESS 



nELlNKIJF.D IJF.rOUK TIIK 

iniODE-ISLyVNI) HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



0\ TIIK KVKXrxn OK 



FEBRUARY NINETEENTH, 1851. 



BY ELISHA R. POTTER, 

Member of the Society. 



PUBMSflED AT TIIK KKUIEST OF THE SOCIETV. 



PROVIDENCK: 

(iEoRGK II. W II I I' X K V 

1851. 



/-7f 



*7 t7^.Z'-^- 
OfC K t?C/ 



ADDRESS. 



Seventv-foir years ago, when these American Colonies de- 
clared their Independence, Rhode-Island was one of thirteen 
independent colonics or states. The whole population of all 
the colonies was less than three millions, and was confined to a 
small strip of territory on the Atlantic coast. Newport, the then 
principal city of our State, was also one of the principal cities in 
the colonics. It was larger in population than at present, and 
more than dou])le tlte })oi)ulation of Providence at that time. 

Within that seventy-four years, our country has prospered be- 
yond example in history. From a narrow belt of land on the 
shore of the Atlantic, onr territory has been extended to the 
ocean on the West. From thirteen, the number of members of our 
Union has swelled to tliirty-one, many of which have counties 
larger than our whole State. Other cities have grown, and our 
proportion of the commerce of the country is now as nothing. 

A citizen of our small State, at the commencement of our na- 
tional' existence, not only had an influence in conducting onr 
local afiairs, but his influence was felt in the affairs of the nation. 
Now, from the increase of our numbers and the predominance 
of interests then unknown or unfelt, our voices and our interests 
meet with comparative neglect, or are swallowed up in the con- 
tinual iigitation of the economical and political interests of a 
vast confederacy. 

If, by the Revolulion, the Amcncau people had become a coii- 
rentrated republic, in every sense, one nation, witli duiy one 
government, and one national capital, these chauscs would 
probably and most naturally have produced an unfavorable ef- 
fect upon their diameter. A large portion of them, fuidiug their 
inlhieiicp upon public atfaiis reduced and scarcely It'lt in the great 



mass, would give themselves up entirely to the care of then' 
private interests, devote themselves to the pursuit of comfort and 
wealth, and the management of public atfairs would be left to 
bebattled for by the reckless, adventurous and ambitious. 

But instead of living under one concentrated government, we 
are a confederation of republics. Some of our states are empires 
in themselves, larger than many of the sovereign states of the 
old world. In them alone, without reference to national con- 
cerns, individual ambition can find full scope for its activity, and 
fortunate is it for the public good that it is so. By the management 
of local alfaijs, the interest of the people in the public welfare is 
kept alive and strengthened. The individual citizen feels that 
he is not a mere cypher in the great nation. Hence arises a 
feeling of independence and of individual importance, whose in- 
fluence in the development of national character is most au- 
spicious. 

Hence we see the importance of kec])ing up an attention to 
local affairs, of cultivating a feeling of state pride, doubly im- 
portant too in so small a state as ours. And hence too we may 
realize the utility of associations and celebrations like the pres- 
ent, which by keeping alive the memory of the past, aid in 
counteracting the depresshig influence which the change in our 
condition relative to the rest of tlie confederacy would tend to 
exert. 

Invited at a late period, to address the Society, I propose to 
occupy your time with some considerations respecting the his- 
tory of education in this State, and more particiflarly those cir- 
cumstances growing out of the early settlement of the Colony, 
which prevented the establishment of any system of public ed- 
ucation in early times. 

One of the lirst things which strikes an observer in consider- 
ing the early history of Rhode-Island, is. that the population 
Avas not homogeneous. Massachusetts was settled by colonies 
from one peo])lt% and all actuated by the same notions of reli- 
gious and civil government, and of a similar religious creed, 
(.'onnocticut was an offshoot froiu Massachusetts, and the same 
principles and ideas had a c(»nlrolling influence in its settlement. 



Rliode-Islaiid, oil llie coulrary, was settled Ijy lucu dl nil reli- 
gious views and opinions. As the first settlers fled from jxtsp- 
cntion in Massachusetts, it naturally became an asylum lor all 
who like them were persecuted tor conscience" sake. The ])red- 
ecessors of our Haptists were all fugitives from persecution. 
The Quakers nearly all came here from the same cause, and to 
avoid the severe laws which were made against them in other 
colonies. And the friends and followers of Mrs. Hutchinson 
constituted a respectable portion of the new community. Here 
too, half a century after the first settlement, came a colony of 
French Huguenots, driven Irom their country by the same spirit 
which had expelled Roger Williams from our sister Colony. 

For the very reason that in this Colony no religion was estab- 
lished, nor the observance of any religious forms compelled by 
law, it was natural that many should resort here who had no 
religion at all : and that the settlement should include many wild 
spirits, who came here because in the then thinly peopled coun- 
try on the borders of our beautiful bay, they could obtain an 
easy subsistence, free from the restraints of all law whatevTer. 

Rhode-Island thus differed entirely from the neighboring 
states in its mode of settlement. Its population resembled more 
the population of one of our western states at the present day ; 
a collection of jieople coming from different nations and at difter- 
ent times, some actuated by the desire of religious freedom, some 
by desire of freedom from all law ; some by the spirit of specula- 
tion, (for even that then prevailed :) and some from that wild 
love of adventure which has always exercised sucli a SM'ay in 
the breast of man. 

Driven from Massachusetts under such cu'cumstances, the 
original settlers viewed every thing which they had left behind 
them with hostility. In Massachusetts, as in most early settle- 
ments, the clergy being the only class of leisure, were the de- 
positories of the learning of the infant commonwealth. The 
clergy also always e.vercised an active control in their govern- 
ment ; and wars, leagues, and important government measures, 
were seldom undertaken without their sanction. 



6 

Hence, 111 a great iiieasuie, has arisen tlie feelnig against a set- 
tled and salaried clergy, which has always been a characteristic 
of our people, and which prejudice remains in some parts of the 
State to the present day in undiminished strength. Hence we 
have lost the influence which such a body of men would always 
have exerted in favor of education. 

And it should be remembered that at one time the Friends or 
(Quakers formed a large portion of our people. Relying for their 
religious instruction, upon the inward light, and direct inspiration 
from God, they of course needed no educated ministry for the 
conduct of their worship. 

Besides, they were, no doubt, actuated by the common feeling 
against Massachusetts, and Massachusetts institutions. Of the 
persecution which originated our settlement, they had borne no 
common share. Some of the reasons given by the Massachu- 
setts clergy for driving away the Quakers, are so curious as to 
be well worth remembering. We give them from the declara- 
tion of the Massachusetts authorities concerning them. 

'' It was the command of the Lord Jesus Christ to his disci- 
ples, that when they were persecuted in one city they should 
flee into another. Matt. x. 23. And accordingly it was his own 
practice so to do many a time, both when he was a child and. 
afterwards — Matt. li. 13, 14, xii. 1.5. John vii. 1, 8. x. 39. And 
so was also the practice of the Saints, witness what was writ- 
ten of Jacob, Gen. xxvii. 42, xxviii. 5; of Moses, Exodus, ii, 
14; of Elias, I. Kings, xix. 3 ; of Paul, Acts ix. 24, xvii. 13 ; 
and of the apostles, Acts xiv. 4 ; and of others, who, when they 
have been persecuted, have tied away for tlieir own safety ; and 
reason requires that Avhen men have liberty to do it they should 
not so refuse to do, because otherwise they will be guilty of 
tempting God and incurring their own hurt, as having a fair way 
open for tlie avoiding thereof, but they needlessly expose them- 
selves thereto. 

If therefore that which is done against the Quakers in this 
jurisdiction were indeed persecution, as they account of it, 
though in truth it is not so, but the due ministration of justice,, 
but -;ii])pose it were as (hey think it (o be, what spirit may 



lliry 1)0 thoii2;lil to he acted or led by. \vli<» are in tlioir actings 
so contrary to the coniniandnient and example of Christ and of 
his saints in the case of persecntion, which these men suppose 
to be their case ; plain enough it is, if their case were the same, 
their actings were not the same, but quite contrary, so that 
Christ and his saints were led by one spirit, and these people by 
another : for rather than they would not shew their contempt of 
authority and make disturbance among his people, they choose 
to go contrary to the express directions of Jesus Christ and the 
approved examples of his saints, although it be to the hazard 
and peril of their own lives. "• 

The substance of the argument it will be seen is — that Christ 
and his Apostles fled from persecution : the Quakers do not flee 
from persecution, but needlessly expose themselves to it : there- 
fore they cannot be Christians ; and therefore we are right in 
making laws against them : and if they needlessly expose them- 
selves to persecution, the fault is theirs, not ours. 

We see the extent of the hostility felt by our ancestors towards 
the people of the neighboring colonies, and how this hostility 
was extended to theii- religion, form of church government and 
other customs, in the fact that it was a common practice with our 
ancestors, more particularly on the west side of the Bay, to speak 
of them, not as Connecticut or Massachusetts j)eople, ])ut as 
'' Prcsbyterinns." Instances of this are found in old court papers 
and depositions. Thus Presbyterian became a name of reproach 
and opprobium among us. and has in a measure remained so in 
some parts of the State to this day. 

It is common among those who undertake to defend or apol- 
ogize for the persecution of Rhode-Island settlers by the Puritans, 
to attribute it to the spirit of the age, forgetting that the same 
plea would excuse the religious intolerance which the eulogists 
of the Puritans represent them as fleeing from in England. 

It was, perhaps, fortunate for the reputation of the early set- 
tlers of Rhode-Island, that no one sect had any predominance 
among them. Principles, for the sake of which in adversity they 
were willing to exchange all the comforts of civilized life for 
the perils ot" n Avilderness. and ovon to sarrifirr lifo itself, ni- '., 



iiol liave stood llio more dangerous test of ]irosperity and po^\'er, 
fortunate that they were not so tempted, and that they were 
permitted, as they expressed it in their charter, '• to hold forth a 
lively experiment that a most flourishing civil state may stand 
and hest he maintained with a full lihei-ty in relisrious concern- 
ments."' 

Another circumstance, and a very important one to he consid- 
ered, in accounting for the want of a system of puhlic education 
among our forefathers, was, that for nearly one hundred years, 
Rhode-Island could not he said to have any settled government. 

On the East, Plymouth claimed to Narraganset Bay, and for 
tlie first hundred years Rhode-Island had no jurisdiction east of it- 
On the West, Connecticut claimed to Narraganset Bay, under 
her charter, which she claimed to be prior to tliat of Rhode- 
Island. The first settlers of the Narraganset country were obliged 
to defend themselves, by force, from the attempts of Connecticut 
to assert her jurisdiction. She incorporated toAvns with bounda- 
ries extending into Rhode-Island, appointed officers at Wickford 
and other places, and made grants of land which were the ori- 
gin of some of the existing titles. Some portion of the inhabi- 
tants, probably from a desire to have the protection of a stronger 
goverimient, acknowledged her jurisdiction, and thus there was 
a sort of civil war constantly going on within our own limits. 
Citizens of Rhode-Island were repeatedly seized, carried off and 
imprisoned for refusing to obey the Connecticut authorities, 
liand titles were disputed, and there seemed little security for 
person or property except in the strength of the possessor. 

After the Pequod war, Massachusetts and Connecticut claim- 
ed the South western portion of the State by right of conquest, 
and in the division it fell to Massachusetts : who erected the 
country about Westerly, mto a township, by the name of South- 
(M-town. Here was another claimant for jurisdiction. But Con- 
necticut seems afterwards to have again asserted her jurisdic- 
lion. and Massaclmsetts at last gave up the contest. 

The settlement at Warwick had also similar difficulties to 
contend with. A part of their inhabitants had submitted tfiem- 
selves to Massachusetts, wlio asserted her claims to that country 
and imprisoned its people for resisting her authority. 



i) 

Again 111 the great Indian war nl" WuW, the WVstern portion 
of onr State was made the battle gronnrl on wliifli Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut contended for victory over the Indians. 
The settlers of Rhode-Island had always maintained a friendly 
intercourse with the Indians, and liad no cause to complain of 
thein. The war arose from causes growing out of the policy 
and past wars of the neighboring colonies. Yet next to the In- 
dians, Rhode-Island was the principal sufferer. The armies of 
the united colonies desolated the country, and what they left, 
the Indians, exasperated and driven to desperation, burnt and 
destroyed. Almost all the inhabitants on the West side of the 
Bay were obliged to retreat to Newport, for shelter and protec- 
tion. 

After the war, the settlers returned lo their ruined homes. 
But Connecticut, powerful from her recent victory, continued 
the contest for jurisdiction. Rhode-Island, weak and exhausted 
by a war she had not provoked, was subjected to the burden and 
expense of almost continued negotiations in England; and it was 
not until 1728, nearly one hundred years from the date of the 
arrival of Roger Williams, that the boundary was settled, and 
Rliode-Island acquii'ed undisputed control of Narraganset. 

It was not until 1709, that Rhode-Island felt strong enough 
and sure enough of the success of her cause, to grant land titles 
in Narraganset. Before that time, the country along the shore 
of the Bay had been settled, and the rights of the settlers undis- 
turbed, but all the central and western portions of the Narragan- 
set country, were occupied as our public lands in the West now 
are, by squatters, as they are called. Their claims were ac- 
knowledged, their conflicting boundaries settled by surveys, and 
deeds given them from the state about 1709. 

As may be supposed, during these troubles the population of 
the western part of the state, then colony, was small in number 
scattered and feeble. When in 1661, a company was formed at 
Newport, for the purpose of settling Misquamicuck, there was 
a powerful nation of Indians between them and their destined 
western abode. In leaving their old homes they had the same 
difficulties to encounter, the same anxieties for the future, which 
2 



10 

the emigrants of the present day meet with in om- western wil- 
derness. And when afterwards they were incorporated as a 
township, it received the name of Westerly. 

It would be unreasonable to expect of a people so situated, 
much progress in the comforts and elegancies of life. Occupied 
with keeping up a friendly intercourse with' the natives on the 
one side, and defending their lives and property from the attacks 
and machinations of rival colonies, "W'ho regarded and treated 
them as heretics, rebels or intruders, on the other ; it required all 
their energies to gain a bare subsistence. No wonder therefore 
that they did not establish schools and colleges, and that we do 
not find among them the arts, and the refinement of manners, 
which Ave could only expect in an older and more settled state 
of society. 

There is another fact in the social history of Rhode-Island 
which ought not lightly to be passed over, because its influence 
is still to be traced among us. The institution of domestic 
slavery for a long time existed here. 

As buying and selling into slavery was a common practice in 
the early history of the New-England colonies, it is probable 
that a few slaves might have been found here very soon after 
our first settlement. We find an act passed to prohibit their 
purchase as early as 1652 ; but as the colony was then divided 
against itself, as well as contending against its neighbors, it 
probably was not enforced. At any rate, we find that just be- 
fore the revolution, about one hundred years afterwards, the 
colony contained about four thousand negroes, most of them 
probably slaves. 

For the early introduction of negro slavery, the colonies them- 
selves were perhaps little to blame. As with persecution, the 
spirit of the age was m favor of it. Royalists and republicans 
had sold each other as slaves into the colonies.* 

The English government, partly from political and partly from 
commercial views, encouraged the traffic in negroes : they made 
the acquisition and protection of it the subject of foreign nego- 
tiation : and to the English people (at home) belonged the great- 
er part of this commerce and the enormous profit of it. A 

* Bancroft, I. 175, 



11 

Frcncli iravcllci. (Hrissot.) reininks. that the English madi^ the 
greatest profit from the trade, because they treated their slaves 
worse, and therefore could afford to sell them cheaper. 

Although doubts were early entertained of the legality of 
slavery in England, the benefit of those doubts was never ex- 
tended to the colonies. Chief Justice Holt had given his opin- 
ion that a negro could not be held as a slave in England, al- 
though a white man might be a villain, which was very nearly 
the same.* 

In 1696, the question was agitated but not decided, whether 
baptism made a slave free ; (5 Modern Rep.) but in 1729, the At- 
torney General and Solicitor General of England, to quiet appre- 
hension in the colonies, gave their legal opinion in favor of slavery 
on both these questions, (Clarkson 65) and it was not until 1772, 
just before the termination of their rule over us, that in that 
magnificent burst of English ])hilanthropy in the case of James 
Somerset, a colonial slave who had been brought into England, 
the world was surprised by a judicial decision, that slavery could 
not exist in England — that the slave from the colonies became 
a free man as soon as he stood upon British soil. Cheap jus- 
tice, — costing nothing to the doers of it : a great display of gen- 
erosity at the expense of others. 

Public opinion in the colonies was probably at first against 
the introduction of slaves, at least it was so in Rhode-Island, so 
far as we may judge from our laws ; but the weakness of the 

* I. Salkeld. 666. The plaintiff dcfhircd in an indebitatus assumsit, for a negro 
sold by tiie plaintitf to the defendant in En<^land, and verdict for plaintiff, and on 
motion in arrest of judgment, ' Holt. C. J. licld, that as soon as a negro comes into 
England, he becomes free : one may be a villain in England but not a slave. Et 
per Powel, J. In a villain the owner has a property, but it is as an inheritance : 
** * the law took no notice of a negro. Holt, C. J. You should have averred in 
the declaration, tliat the sale was in Virginia, and by the laws of that country ne- 
groes are saleable. * * * Therefore he directed the plaintiff should amend, and the 
declaration should be made, that the defendant was indebted to the plaintitl' for u 
negro sold here in London, bnt that the said negro at the time of sale was in Vir- 
ginia, and that negroes by the laws and statutes of Virginia, are saleable as chat- 
tels. Tlien tiie Attorney General coming in, said they were inheritances, and trans- 
ferable by deed and not without : and nothing was done.' 

Ten\irc bv villanage was finally al)olished in England, by Statute 12 (llharle- II. 
r. 24. A 1). lt;.-)9. 



12 

government opposed lew obstacles to the cupidity onndividuaiSj 
and in course of time, it grew to be an interest of itself, influenc- 
ing, but never in this State absohitely controlling, the govern- 
ment. 

Much of the early opposition in New-England however, was 
not to slavery as such, but only to some particular mode of it. 

As in Europe, Clu'istians early ceased the practice of enslaving 
each other, and the practice of selling one's own children was 
early abolished, but still conscience and interest went together 
in enslaving Moors and Blackamoors ; so in New-England, a 
similar compromise of conscience took place, but in a diiferent 
direction. Many people in Massachusetts declared themselves 
against kidnapping and stealing negroes from Africa. The in- 
justice of this they could see. But Indians met with no mercy. 
Mr. Mede had given his opinion that they were the descend- 
ants of the devil : and father Hubbard, in considering the ques- 
tion ot the manner in which America was peopled, remarks, 
that "Mr. Mode's opinion *** carries the greatest probabil- 
ity of truth."* The Massachusetts authorities sold their captives 
taken in war as slaves ; and this not only to people at home where 
a Christian community would watch over and protect them, liut 
numbers were sold away to Bei-muda and other slave colonies. 

Heretics also were sometimes thought fit subjects for slavery. 
In Massachusetts, m May 1659, Daniel and Provided South^dck, 
children of Lawrence and Cassandra Southwick, were sentenced 
to a fine for the crime ot siding with the Quakers — and if they 
did not pay the fine, to be sold into Barbadoes or Virginia. And 
the sentence was not carried into efi:ect only because no shi])- 
master could be induced to take them.-|- 

In Rhode-Island, probably from the elfect of the recollection 
of the hospitality with which the Indians had received our an- 
cestors, when fleeing from the presence of men calling them- 
selves Christians, the feeling was difterent. This colony sold 
no Indian slaves. In the great war of 1676, they apprenticed 
some captives for a term of years, but by law prohibited ensla- 

* Hubhurd's N. E. 2(i, 

I Sewoll. I. 278. HininnnV lilue Ln\v<. 17. (.Jouyh's Histurv of Quakers 



l;; 

ving ihom : aiid in 17 l.">. (iiiotlicr ad was passed to prevent In- 
dian slaves from being brought into the Colony. 

The slaves therefore in Rhode-Island were negroes. I3ut 
slave labor was nearly confnied to the towns along the Narra- 
ganset Bay, — Newport, Portsmouth, South-Kinijstown, \(»rtii- 
Kingstown. Exeter, Warwick, Bristol and Jamestown. South- 
Kingstown had the greatest number next to Newport. 

All along the belt of land adjoining the west side of the Bay, 
the country, generally productive, was owned in large planta- 
tions by wealthy proprietors, Avho resided on and cultivated 
their land. They had the cultivation which would naturally 
result from a life of leisure, from intercourse with each other, 
and with the best informed men of the Colony, and from the pos- 
session of private libraries, for that day, large and extensive. 
But any common system of education they could not have, from 
their very situation and distance from each other. 

In the interior and westernmost portions of the State, the pop- 
ulation was scattered, the roads and means of communication 
poor, and the people themselves enjoying l)ut few of the com- 
forts and luxuries of life. There were no towns, and but few 
villages, to serve as centres of communication and information, 
and to set an example to the rest of the community : for nearly 
all the villages in the western part of the State are of recent 
growth, and the result of manufacturing industry. Their only 
opportunities of adding to their knowledge were their religious 
meetings, their town meetings, and tlic coinitv courts. 

Considered merely in the light of political economy, slavery 
has been injurious to the welfare of the State, and has retarded 
the progress of its jjcople in wealth as well as in knowledge. 
Its effect upon the families of the proprietors, was most disas- 
trous. From the nature of our climate, the expense of sup- 
porting slaves was greater than in more southern latitudes : and 
public opinion would not sanction over-work or ill troatnient. 
The children of their owners were brought up in leisure, with 
little acquaintance with any profession or business, and when, in 
the rourse of time, slavery was abolished, and they were brought 
into contact with men educated to labor n)id to self dependnnre. 



14 

the habits they had acquired from slavery, proved the nun ol' 
most of them ; and their property was encumbered, and passed 
into other hands. 

The equal division of property upon the death of the parent, 
contributed to the breaking up of these large plantations, and 
probably contributed also to the abolition of slavery itself Un- 
til 1770, just before the Revolution, the eldest son inherited by 
law, the wliole estate of a person dying without a will ; and after 
that time, until 1792, he was entitled to a double portion. But 
public opinion and the common sense of right was stronger than 
the law ; and except in a very few cases, property was generally 
equally divided by will. And so strong was this feeling that 
in many cases where the eldest son, for want of a will, became 
entitled to the whole ; he voluntarily gave up his legal rights, 
and admitted the other children to a share in the estate. 

The abolition of slavery v\^as gradual. In 1774, the importa- 
tion of slaves was prohibited, and every slave brought into the 
Colony was declared free. Large numbers of them joined our 
revolutionary army, and were declared free on enlisting. And 
they Avere among the best of the American troops, and rendered 
efficient service in the war. And finally, in 1784, all children 
of slaves born after that year, were declared free. 

In the neighboring colonies, it disappeared about the same 
time. In Connecticut it was abolished by law. In Massachu- 
setts, a practice grew up, of old worn out slaves bringing suits 
for freedom, and recovering judgment by the connivance of 
their masters ; as the latter were by the judgment discharged 
from tlio liability to support them. And finally, a decision of 
their Supreme Court pronounced slavery inconsistent with that 
clause in their constitution by which all men were declared 
free. But it had nearly died out before. * 

The next great event, which in its history and consecjuences, 
served for a long time to check the material growth of the Col- 
ony, and to draw the attention of both government and people 
from education and social improvement, Avas the Revolutionary 
War. 

*'Mnvs. Kcp. n. ]-Js. n;iiic. ii, .'il.-., A'>t\. W:i^lil.nvii'^ .Tnd. Hist. Mass. -JO^. 



TIk' border contests I have spoken of, were settled about 
1728, but tlieir effects remained long after. But even the short 
period between this and the Revohition, was not a period of 
peace and quiet. Rhode-Island, in the French War, raised 
troops to aid in conquering the French colonial possessions ; 
and so did the other New-England colonies. But during this 
period, she had causes of agitation jx^culiar to herself. The 
Paper Money System, which all the colonies had adopted, the 
people of this Colony, from ther peculiar ch-cumstances, were 
induced to carry to a ruinous excess. They were actuated 
by the desire to relieve the existing poverty and distress ; 
the consequence was, continued and increased distress. And it 
gave rise to a party warfare, which for virulence and animosity, 
has never had its equal in the history of the State. The poor, 
the indebted, and distressed, were generally in favor of largo is- 
sues of ])a}x»r money, to relieve their present necessities. The 
traders in the towns, and the merchants in the country, advoca- 
ted a steadier currency. 

Notwithstanding, however, all tlie evils of a depreciated paper 
currency, rendering business insecure, property unsafe, the re- 
wards of industry uncertain, and sometimes offering a premium 
for dishonesty, the population of the whole Colony, from 1748 
to the Revolutionary War, had considerably increased. 

Besides what Riiode-Island suffered, in common with the 
other states, from the War of Independence, she was exposed to 
peculiar dangers from her great extent of islands and coasts. 
Her principal city, and a portion of the comitry, were in posses- 
sion of the enemy, and unable to contribute by taxes to the sup- 
port of the war. The enemy being in the possession of the 
Bay, the whole coast was exposed to their depredations, and the 
inhabitants kept in constant alarm, and large numbers engaged 
in watching and guarding the shore. 

The trade of the Colony was, of course, mterrupted ; a large 
portion of the productive labor diverted from its ordinary em- 
ployment ; the slaves, who had cultiv^ated the large farms, freed ; 
and the consequence was, a state of poverty, distress and misery, 
among the people of the country, of which we can have but a 
faint idea. 



The islands of Rhode-Islaud, Couauicut and Block-Island, 
being in possession of the enemy, contributed nothing to the 
State treasury during the greater part of the war ; and the bur- 
den of taxation, (for we had then no indirect taxes of any value.) 
of course fell more heavily on other portions of the State. Dur- 
uig the Revolutionary War, after the taking of Newport, the 
the town of Soutli-Kingstown paid the largest tax of any town 
in the State : more than Providence. This inequality was con- 
tinued after the war, up to 1796. Such was the distress of the 
people of that town, from the interruption of business, deprecia- 
tion of the currency, the ruin of their agriculture by the incur- 
sions of the enemy, that then, and for years after, it was a fre- 
(juent occurrence lor the town treasurer to be committed to jail 
for State taxes. County conventions were held, to obtain a re- 
dress of grievances, but with no eliect ; and it is but a few 
years ago, that that Town jiaid the last of a debt which origina- 
ted in tliose distressful times. 

The Legislature seem to have acknowledged the extent of 
the grievance ; and in every tax act, they solemnly promised, that 
if on a new estimate, any town should be found to be overtaxed, 
it should be repaid ; and if not for length of time, this would 
now be a good foundation for a claim for indemnity against 
the State. 

At the close of the war, on taking a census, it was found that 
the population of this small Colony had decreased nine thousand. 

The necessary consequence of the war, was a large debt and 
heavy taxes ; and the paper money expedient was again tried, 
and contested, in party, with the utmost bitterness ; and it was 
not until the Union was formed, and the United States Consti- 
tution was, after a long struggle, adopted by this State, that a 
permanent foimdation was laid for progress and prosperity. 

Such were some of the causes which liave retarded the so- 
cial progress of Rhode-Island, [f. in speaking of our sister 
States, I have been obliged to refer to old animosities and pre- 
judices, I have done it because it was absolutely necessary, to 
illustrate the history of our subject; and not from any desire to 
revive and foster the passions and enmities oi by-gone days. 



n 

Forijoltf'ii indeed they may not be, lor they are ihorouglily in- 
w^oveii ill the history of our eai-ly struggle for existence. But 
there is enough in the annals of each, for a just foundation of a 
generous state pride. Their early settlement, their revolution- 
ary patriotism, their constant devotion to the cause of religion, 
morality, and sound education, are themes updii which their 
eulo(.nsts may dw(dl with ])ride in the past, and as incentives to 
a continuance of noble effort in well doing. Henceforth, let our 
contests with them be, not to continue the jealousies which 
have heretofore divided us, and thank heaven are now dying 
out ; but to strive with them in the great race for improvement, 
religious, moral, and educational. So doing, we may all look 
forward with hope and joy to a like glorious future. 

Having spoken of some of the various influences which have 
retarded our social progress, let us for a few moments consider 
the probabilities for the future. There is a mighty effort now 
making in New-England, in the middle states, and in the West, 
in favor of universal and free education. This great movement, 
I ike all acts of man individually or in masses, will proceed ac- 
cording to certain laws : which, from ex})erience, have been found 
to govern the course of all moral and political reforms. Let us 
consider a few of the dangers which seem at present to threaten 
its healthful progress ; and let us consider them in the light of. 
and in relation to, the great idea which has always manifested 
itself in our history — soul liberty. 

One of the strongest arguments, and one which has probably 
been most effectual in favor of public education, in times past, 
has been its tendency to prevent pauperism, vice and crime. 
IJut a feeling is now becoming very general, that mere intellec- 
tual education is not suflicient for this purpose: but that moral 
training in the schools, or somewhere, is absolutely necessary; 
and as a lai'ge portion of those for whose benefit these schools 
are intended, receive no moral instniction at home, hence is ar- 
gued the necessity of introducing it into the public schools. 
And herein lies one of the greatest dangers which the cause of 
education has to encounter. Moral instruction passes into re- 
liffious so easily, and relisrious slides into sectarian by such ii:- 
3 



18 

sonsible degrees, llint onronly safety is in watehing the danger 
iii the distance. 

Those who have not considered the snbject, may imagine 
that the danger is slight ; but controversies concerning sectarian 
control of education, have agitated France, and the kingdom of 
Great-Britain for many years : and our own country has not es- 
caped. Not only has the question of introducing religious in- 
struction into schools, been agitated ; but in some parts of the 
country, the system of parish schools has been strongly advoca- 
ted, and efforts made to establish them ; at least one large de- 
nomination, in the middle and southern States, is making great 
efibrts in this direction. 

Here then is one of the great dangers which an educational 
establishment has to encounter, and it will require more of the 
spirit of christian kindness than we can generally find. The 
name of Rhode-Island is indissolubly connected Avith the his- 
tory of religious liberty. In this new phase of our affairs, it is 
only by manifesting the same spii'it which of old distinguished 
our State, and by the application of the same principles, that 
we can escape the difficulties which would attend the agitation 
of this question among us. 

But there is another tendency in the public mind, from which 
danger is to be apprehended. 

Many years ago, although many of the States had a system 
of educational legislation more or less perfect, the subject seem- 
ed to be viewed with comparative indifference. But within a 
few years, the attention of the whole country has been aroused 
to the evils resulting from our former neglect. The talented 
and benevolent have contributed by their exertions, the ricli 
and generous by their money, to carry forward the movement ; 
and the pulpit, public meetings, and the press, have brought all 
their influence to its aid. And one State has vied with another, 
in a generous rivalry, to excel in the liberality of its legislation 
and endowments. 

The excitement has pervaded the majority ; at least, the ma- 
jority of the active and leading minds, in many of the States. 
The majority are for reform. But in tliis. as in everv other re- 



19 

form, we iiiid many who are sluggish, and cannot be awakened. 
Sometimes, the calculations of private and immediate pecuniary- 
interest ; sometimes, personal and local quarrels, stand in the 
way of progress. The friends of reform, seeing the backward- 
ness of the mass of tiie i)eople ; that they sometimes will not 
receive instruction, when brought to their very doors, without 
money and without price ; and deeply imi)ressed Avith the mag- 
nitude of the evil, are led to advocate a system of compulsion 
by force of law. 

Many will probably suppose, that those who entertain the 
idea of compulsion, must be few in number, and that the danger 
of any controversy growing out of it, must be imaginary only. 
But lie can have paid but little attention to the educational lite- 
rature of the country, who has not perceived the growing prev- 
alence of this opinion. 

Is a compulsory system advisable ? Is it right ? On first 
thought, it would seem, that when we had once concluded that 
a thing was right, it would be perfectly just and proper to en- 
force it by law. And hence, we find in all ages, parties who 
liave sought to enforce religion and the various moral duties, by 
law. 

Without entering into the argument upon this subject. We 
will only observe, that Providence seems to have designed, in 
connecting us in scciety, and making us dependent upon each 
other, to afford exercise for the atfections and benevolent feel- 
ings, and for the development of character ; so that in doing good 
to others, and persuading them to do their duty, we are adding 
to our own moral strength. And when Ave feel a violent desire 
to do good to our neighbors, or to make them discharge their 
duties to theniselves and their children, and are not willing to 
be at the expense of any moral effort for this end, but only 
make known our good will through the sheriff, the constable, 
or the tax gatherer, we may well suspect thai our benevolence is 
iifrather a questionable character. 

Let us consider, ni this view, the character of the great foun- 
der of our religion. He who came down from Heaven to save 
.1 world : who iniglil have li;id h^gions of angels mini-^tering unto 



•20 

huu, and who might have subdued his enemies by power alone, 
He was content to influence the world, by precept and exam- 
ple, and by suffering ; and to leave the effects of his teachings 
to the operation of the laws which God has ebtablished for the 
human mind. 

But there is another view to be taken, of this question of en- 
forcing education, or other moral reform, by law. In a republi- 
can government, founded on the basis of the right of the people 
to govern themselves, every person should be permitted to man- 
age his own concerns, and to share in the general management, 
as far as he can with safety to the body politic. It is only by 
accustoming the people to govern themselves, and by carrying 
it out, as far as we can, in our municipal divisions of towns and 
districts, that free government can be preserved. By the con- 
stant practice of consulting about town and district affairs, the 
mhid of the people is kept awake ; a.nd even if they have no 
other education, they have a training in the practice of govern- 
ment, which is a great security for the liberties of the nation. 
And wo to the people, when, from devotion to business, pursuit 
of wealth, or any other cause, they neglect public affairs, and 
suffer their control to pass into the hands of a few. 

Now, as a matter of course, this liberty, this power of mana- 
ging their own affairs, may be abused. And we may think we 
could manage their affairs much better for them. By forc- 
ing our system upon them, we might make a difference of a few 
years, perhaps, in the time of its adoption : but are we not stri- 
king a deadly blow at those principles of tlie right of self-govern- 
ment, and of civil and religious liberty, which we believe to be 
essential to our prosperity and happiness as a nation. 

We may regret, when we are in pursuit of an object we think 
for the public good, that we cannot immediately persuade others 
to think as we do ; that we cannot change the habits and opin- 
ions of the people at once, and bring them all to our way of 
thinlving. We may regret that people should be so slow to 
change, and think it an imperfection in the divine economy, 
that we cannot induce our neighbors to agree with us in our no- 
!ioui of right. But a wise God has ordered otherwise. He 



21 

has so ordered it, that the character of a people, is the effect of 
the influences of all past ages, an<l that it should reipiin; time 
and exertion, to change it. 

When a man of ardent temperament, A\'ho lias received the 
elements of a sound moral education, first comes to mLx in the 
turmoil and business of the world, he finds the real, matter-of- 
fact world, to be a very different thing from what his young 
imagination had painted it. In private life, he finds vice tri- 
umphant, wealth honored, and, very often, virtuous jioverty de- 
s])ised. 

In religion, he finds, even among the professed followers of 
(,'hrist, a multiplicity of sects, at variance with each other, and 
denouncing errors of opinion, with more violence than practical 
Avickedness ; and that the greatest hindrance to the prevalence 
of religion, in onr own and other lands, is the variance between 
the professions and the practice of Christians themselves. 

In the State, he finds laws founded, upon what seems to him, 
w'loiig and dangerous principles ; government doing what would 
he considered dishonorable in men ; and the people, in selecting 
officers, sacrificing the welfare of the commonwealth, to tempo- 
rary interests and party feeling. He soon finds that there are 
other minds like his own, who have discovered these evils, and 
brooding over them, have fancied they have discovered some 
sovereign remedy. Wondering that a benevolent God should 
[HTinit the existence of so much misery, his sense of duty and 
his generous feelings prompt him to set about the work of re- 
fomi. Very often, instead of doing good to the extent of his 
ability, within the sphere to which Providence has allotted him, 
he imagines himself or joins with others in the carrying out of 
some theory, which is to change the face of society and the 
u'orlfl. 

Such is the enthusiasm witli whirh many ardent minds begitl 
their intercourse with the world, and which a few only main- 
tain through life. Others, fondly trusting that they shrill find 
every body ready to welcome their j)iaiis for benellttiniz; the 
race, and improving the condition of society ; when they go forth 
into the world, find that those of older heads and less excita- 



22 

liility, listen to them witli carelessness, perhaps unwillingness ; 
tiiat the vast majority appear to be satisfied with the world as 
it is, and that their projects of improvement are met with silence 
and contempt. 

As they grow in years and knowledge, they find that the 
amount of human misery is incalculable. Seeing the little re- 
sult of all their efforts, how many are there who become dis- 
lieartened and discouraged, gradually lose their youthful ardor 
and enthusiasm, and finally become cold hearted and concentred 
in self alone : — fortunate if they are not led by disappointment, 
to be sceptical of the goodness of God, and to spend the remain- 
der of their days in doubt and despondency. 

Principally, from the reasons here alluded to, it is, that we 
observe that all movements, whether religious, social or political, 
seem to have their seasons of activit}?', and then, of decline ; and 
then, of reaction and new life. This seems to be the ordained 
course of human affairs : yet we may hope that by every new 
movement, something is gained for the good of man, although 
it may not always be the good which mere human wisdom an- 
ticipates. 

There is, perhaps, no study better fitted to calm our enthusi- 
asm for reform, to a reasonable and Christian standard, than the 
study of History. We there find, that there is hardly any 
theory or opinion, of modern times, which has not had its advo- 
cates in times of old ; and that there is very little that is new 
under the sun. 

When we are well acquainted witli the history of the world, 
we see that suficring and misery are not peculiar to us or to our 
times ; and while we can more justly appreciate our privileges, 
Ave are less tempted to magnify present grievances. 

It shows us too, tiiat the condition of the world at this day, and 
the advantages we enjoy above our forefathers, are the result of 
the exertions and labor of mind, of all the generations gone by^ 
and ihat as we take possession of the earth, improved by the 
labttr of our ancestors, we must also take it subject to some of 
the burdens which human imperfection has left upon it. Poli- 
tics and legislation, become histoiical sciences, and we learn that 



23 

to establish a government, and to nionkl a jwople to our wishes, 
or even to make an ordinary statute, is not so simple a thing as 
we imagined it. 

It may be thought that such views as these will have the ef- 
fect of discouraging effort, and lessening the zeal of those who 
are trying to introduce moral reforms, and educate the peo])le. 
Far from it. Far from suppressing, I would only inform and 
give a right direction to the enthusiasm of youth, and tlie spirit 
of benevolence. When a person of little experience, undertakes 
a project from mere generous impulse, he soon meets with ob- 
stacles ; his success does not meet his expectations ; he gives up 
and surrenders himself to despondency. But when we are well 
informed in the laws wliich govern the human mind, and when 
we have studied tiie course of the divine government, as shown 
in the liistory of the past ; we see that God has set limits to the 
power of human etibrt, and that all important changes are the 
work of time. Our expectations of the results of our labors, be- 
come more reasonable, and we are no longer liable to be dis- 
heartened by disappointment. What we may lose in warmth 
of feeling, we shall gain in discretion and practical wisdom. 
And if we have a proper feeling of duty, if our religion is any 
thing more than sentiment, we shall not have the less zeal, but 
it will be a more practical zeal. We shall try to improve the 
condition of our neighbors, and of society; because God has 
made us to feel it our duty, because he has commanded it. Wo 
shall do all in our power, and in faith leave the event to Him. 
He may sec fit to bring about great results through our instru- 
mentality, and yet in a very ditferent time and manner from 
what we expect or desire. All our eflbrts to influence our Id- 
low men, will be made in a spirit of kindness. And if we meet 
with disappointment, we shall not despond, but still press on, 
trusting that the time will come when we shall see some good 
come of our labors. We shall cast our bread upon the waters, 
confident that we shall find it after many days. 



coxs'iri r'lMox 



Tlir lihodc-Islavd- llistuiicdl ^DcUty. wlnptcd Aj»U7)lli. ISl^. 

Aktici.i. J. — Oi !Mi;.Miii;Ksiiir. 

Si'ctioii 1. TIr' lllioili'-lsland Historical Sorioty sliall be coiiii)Osed of Rcs- 
iiU'iit, Corresponding, and Honorary members. 

Sec. i. No person shall be eligible as a resident member, unless at tlie time 
ol'Iiis clcftion he shall reside in the Stiitc of Rhode-Island ; nor shall any per- 
son be eligible as a corresponding or honorary member, wlio shall not at the 
time of his election be a resident out of said State. 

Sec. 3. No person shall be eligible as a member unless he bo recommended 
by the Committee on Membership : and all votes on the admission of members 
shall be by ballot. 

Sec. 1. Whenever a vote shall be taken on the admission of amcnd)er, and 
there shall be found three ballots against his admission, the presiding olHcer 
counting the votes shall declare the election jKistponed until the next regular 
meeting of the Society. At the next meeting, if the reconmiendatinn of the 
Committee be not withdrawn, he may be admitted l)y the major Aote of tiie 
members present and voting. 

Sec. 5. Every member elect who shall not acknowledge his membership in 
writing, or sign the constitution, witliin one year from the time of his admis- 
sion, shall not be considered a member of the Society. 

Sec. C. Each resident member shall, on his admission. j)ay an admission 
fee of Five Dollars, and thereafter such ta.x or ta.xes as the Society may im- 
pose, not exceeding three dollars in any one year. 

Sec. 7. Neglect to pay any tax lor the ])eriod of one year atter demand in 
writing from the Treasurer, shall be deemed a witlulrawal from the Society. 

Sec. 8. Resident members alone shall be entitled to vote at the meetings of 
the Society. 

AiiiicLi: H. — Ok Sociktv Mektixgs. 

^Section 1. The Society shall hold four regular meetings in each year; on 
the third Tuesday iu January, and on the first Tuesdays in April, July and 
October. 

Sec. 2. Special meetings shall be called by the Secretary, on the written 
rc(|uest of the President or any five resident men\bers. 

Sec. 3. Notice of every regular meeting, and of every special meeting tor the 
transaction of any business affecting the financial concerns of the Society, shall 
lie given by advertisement thereof for one week, in une newsjiaiier printed in 
l'r(i\ idence. and in one printed in New|)ort. 

Sec. l. Seven resident members shall constitute a i|iiuiuiri for the transac- 
tmn of liu>iness. 



'jn 



Aim K 1,1: III. — ()!■ <)i ii('i:i;> and jiikh; Diiiks. 

Sec-Liou J. TIk' Oiiircrs of the .S();'irty shall be a rrcsident, two \'icei'n!^- 
idents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, one Librarian and Cabinet Keepei' for the 
Northern and one ibr the Southern District, a Committee on Membership, 
to consist of three resident members, and an Audit Connnittee. 

Sec. ■-'. The ( )llicers of the Society shall be chosen at the regidar meeting of 
(he Siiciefy lioldcn in January in each }ear, and shall hold their oOices ibr 
one year, and until others be elected in their places. In ease the Socicly 
make no election at said meeting, they may do so at their next, or at any 
other meeting regularly called, and they may lillany vacancy in anyoiiice at 
any regular meeting, 

Sec. 3. The President shall preside at all meetings, preserve order, give the 
casting vote, and perfoi'm such other duties as usually appertain to such an 
oflice. In his absence, one of the Vice-1'residents shall discharge his duties, 
and in their absence, the Society may appoint a C!hainnan for the meeting. 

Sec. 4. The Secretary sliall keep a fair record of all the proceedings of th<; 
Society, and notily its meetings : and shall Ijc the organ of conununication of 
the Society. 

Sec. 5. The Treasurer shall have charge of the pecnuiai'v concerns of the 
Society, shall collect all admission fees and taxes, and shall pay all bills against 
the Society when properly audited. At the meeting in January, he shall pre- 
sent his accounts, alter they have been examined b}' the Audit Conmiittee, and 
shall exhibit his books and ])apers to the Society ■when I'eipiireil. 

Sec. (1. Tiic Librarians and Cabinet Keepers shall safel}' keep, in such pla- 
ces as the Society shall desigmite, all books, manuscripts, ])aj)ers, uocument>, 
and other articles committed to their charge. 

Sec. 7. Tiic Audit Ccjnnuittee shall examine all claims on the Society, be- 
l()i'c tiiey are jui'sentcd lo the Society to be acted on ; and shall, bclbre the 
.January meeting of the Sorifly, examine ihe Treasurer's accoiuUs, and iv- 
j)ort thereon. 

AuTicLK IV.— Of Amendmext.s. 
This Constitution may be amended by the Society at any i-egular meeting, 
provided no member present dissent therefrom. But in case of dissent by any 
member, tlic jn-oposed amendment shall be reduced to writing, and postponed 
to the next regular meeting of the Society, when it may be adopted by the 
assent of the majority of the members present. 

Article V. 
This Constitution shall go into cU'ect on the nineteenth day of ffuly next. 

A];ticle YI. 
The oliicers of the Society a])pointed under llie old Constitution, Avliose olli- 
ccs are not abolished by the new Constitution, shall continue in tlieii' sevcJ'al 
offices, nnfil their successors are elected bv the Societv. 



•)-: 



CI KCr LA K. 

The Sofii'ty would call llic altciilinimf iiuiuin rs ami nirri'spoiukMitji to the 
ro!l(j\ving siihjocts : 

1. Topoixrapliiial skctchfa of (owns and villajics, including an account of 
tliciisoil, airriculturc, manufactures, conuncrco, natural curiosities and statis- 
tics. 

2. Sketches of the history of the sottlenient and rise of such towns and vil- 
lages, ami of the introduction and progi-css of commerce, manufactures and 
the arts, in them. 

:). liiograiihical notices of original settlci*?, revolutionary jiatriots, and 
other distinguished men who have resided in this State. 

4. Original letters, and documents, and papei"s illustrating any of these sub- 
jects, particularly those which show the private habits, manners or pursuits of 
our ancestors, or arc connected with the general history of this State. 

.0. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, b-ooks, pamphlets, 
almanacs and new.spapers, i)rinted in this State ; and manuscripts, especially 
those written by ])ersons born or residing in this State. 

<j. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabiteil any part of this 
State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites, their gen- 
eral character and peculiar customs and manners, their wars and treaties 
and their original grants to our ancestois. 

7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islautls, bays and other remark- 
able places within this State, and the traditional import of those names. 

8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of any other books, 
pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents, with which any person may 
please to favor them. 



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